The Relationship Between Afghanistan, Pakistan, and the Taliban How will these complex relations impact peace negotiations and a lasting solution? March 2,2: Thus, Pakistan is seen as the key player in bringing the Taliban to the negotiation table. However, the Taliban claims their militancy in Afghanistan is completely independent of Pakistan.
April 11,3: The post-Davis cooling of relations comes at a tense Pakistan foreign policy towards afghanistan thesis the run-up to the July deadline for U.
All eyes are on Pakistan not only to seewhat role it might play in brokering an endgame in Afghanistan, but also todetermine whether the country — with its nuclear bombs and terrorist safehavens — is indeed the "internationalmigraine" that former U.
Secretary of State Madeline Albright says itis. A HardCountrycould not be timelier.
This insightful, comprehensive portrait ofPakistan is the perfect antidote to stereotypical descriptions of the countryas the most dangerous place in the world. Thanks tohis familiarity with the place and its people, Lieven peppers his analysis of Pakistan withanecdotes, comic observations, and travelogue, thereby favoring the detail andtexture of anthropology over the bullet points and binaries of policy.
The author is at his best when unpacking the kinshipnetworks and cultures of patronage that permeate every aspect of Pakistanisociety. Indeed, the central thesis of the book is that the Pakistani state isfar more durable than it seems, owing to extensive kinship networks that makeleaders whether tribal, political, or dictatorial accountable to anddependent on followers among whom they must distribute patronage to ensuretheir own survival.
To make his point, Lieven spares readers the familiarchronology of Pakistani history with its cyclical propensity for democracy anddictatorship, and instead divides the book politically, geographically, andinstitutionally to illustrate how the demands of patronage impact thefunctioning of political parties, police stations, tribes, courts, sectarianorganizations, religious shrines, and more.
Thus asenior policeman may convene a jirga a council of elders to settle a dispute in order to preserve the honor of alandowner who would be shamed among his community if tried in a court of law.
He instead shows that the importanceof kinship loyalty to those in positions of power means that many members ofsociety are able to exploit available patronage whether in the form of cash,clout, or coveted appointments.
As long as the expectations of this culture are fulfilled,Lieven suggests, revolutionary action whether Islamist or socialist seemsunlikely.
The subtlety and fluency with which Lieven deconstructs thequirks of Pakistani society may lead some to write him off as an apologist forthe country.
Nothing could be further from the truth. When read closely, Pakistan: He correctlypoints out that waderos hereditarylandowners are causing Sindhi society to stagnate, and therefore become morevulnerable to climate change.
Water resources are drying up, but the feudalsystem keeps the population uneducated, divided along tribal lines, and thusunable to revamp water infrastructure or local agricultural practice. At the same time, Lieven does not advocate abolishing the wadero system, and instead points outthat landowners are a crucial barrier against Sindhi nationalism, which couldplunge the province into intense ethnic conflict if stirred.
In other words,Lieven argues that either drought or violence will lead to provincial collapse. Where appropriate, however, Lieven makes clear andconsistent policy recommendations, primarily directed at the U.
His resounding message to the Washington is to avoid incursionsinto Pakistani territory by U. Lieven believes that a U. Lieven also confronts the Pakistani government with achallenge: After all, patronage ceases to be effectivein the face of resource scarcity, and kinship loyalties in stressedenvironments can only lead to violence of the sort that could permanentlyundermine the Pakistani state.
After reading through the exhaustive pages that comprisePakistan: That said, there are some issues Lieven fails to address. There is surprisingly little on the U. And while Lieven makes educated guesses about the impact ofrapid urbanization on Pakistani politics and society, his analysis seemsincomplete.
This analysisruns counter to theories that urbanization will lead to new political, and evenreligious, allegiances.
In the absence of raw data, it would have beeninteresting for Lieven to engage these possibilities and include scenarios foran urbanized Pakistan, or document more Pakistani perspectives on a trend thathas yet to become prominent in public discourse. These, however, are minor omissions in what is otherwise anintuitive, intelligent, and invaluable text.The Diplomat is a current-affairs magazine for the Asia-Pacific, with news and analysis on politics, security, business, technology and life across the region.
Hayaud-Din, Mian Ahad, "U.S.
Foreign Policy in Islamic South Asia: Realism, Culture, and Policy Toward Pakistan and Afghanistan" (). Graduate Theses and Dissertations. Instead, Pakistan has to revisit its Afghanistan policy as a foreign policy challenge, as peace in Afghanistan is a precondition to yielding the dividends of peace on Pakistan.
Nevertheless, Pakistan’s joining (and persisting with) the IMA is an anti-thesis to reifying the concept of . ii U.S. Foreign Policy in Islamic South Asia: Realism, Culture, and Policy toward Pakistan and Afghanistan Mian Ahad Hayaud-Din ABSTRACT The United States has a long-standing interest in the political events of South Asia.
PESHAWAR: A recent research by a PhD scholar of University of Peshawar has revealed that media in the United States plays a substantive role in shaping the US foreign policy towards Pakistan. All eyes are on Pakistan not only to seewhat role it might play in brokering an endgame in Afghanistan, the central thesis of the book is that .