A comparison of john calhoun and james hammonds argument on slavery

He graduated from South Carolina College inwhere he was a member of the Euphradian Societyand went on to teach school, write for a newspaper, and study law.

A comparison of john calhoun and james hammonds argument on slavery

Full Document I do not belong, said Mr. Mine is the opposite creed, which teaches that encroachments must be met at the beginning, and that those who act on the opposite principle are prepared to become slaves. In this case, in particular I hold concession or compromise to be fatal.

If we concede an inch, concession would follow concession—compromise A comparison of john calhoun and james hammonds argument on slavery follow compromise, until our ranks would be so broken that effectual resistance would be impossible. We must meet the enemy on the frontier, with a fixed determination of maintaining our position at every hazard.

Consent to receive these insulting petitions, and the next demand will be that they be referred to a committee in order that they may be deliberated and acted upon. At the last session we were modestly asked to receive them, simply to lay them on the table, without any view to ulterior action. I then said, that the next step would be to refer the petition to a committee, and I already see indications that such is now the intention.

If we yield, that will be followed by another, and we will thus proceed, step by step, to the final consummation of the object of these petitions. We are now told that the most effectual mode of arresting the progress of abolition is, to reason it down; and with this view it is urged that the petitions ought to be referred to a committee.

That is the very ground which was taken at the last session in the other House, but instead of arresting its progress it has since advanced more rapidly than ever.

The most unquestionable right may be rendered doubtful, if once admitted to be a subject of controversy, and that would be the case in the present instance. The subject is beyond the jurisdiction of Congress — they have no right to touch it in any shape or form, or to make it the subject of deliberation or discussion.

As widely as this incendiary spirit has spread, it has not yet infected this body, or the great mass of the intelligent and business portion of the North; but unless it be speedily stopped, it will spread and work upwards till it brings the two great sections of the Union into deadly conflict.

This is not a new impression with me. Several years since, in a discussion with one of the Senators from Massachusetts Mr. Websterbefore this fell spirit had showed itself, I then predicted that the doctrine of the proclamation and the Force Bill—that this Government had a right, in the last resort, to determine the extent of its own powers, and enforce its decision at the point of the bayonet, which was so warmly maintained by that Senator, would at no distant day arouse the dormant spirit of abolitionism.

I told him that the doctrine was tantamount to the assumption of unlimited power on the part of the Government, and that such would be the impression on the public mind in a large portion of the Union.

The consequence would be inevitable. A large portion of the Northern States believed slavery to be a sin, and would consider it as an obligation of conscience to abolish it if they should feel themselves in any degree responsible for its continuance, and that this doctrine would necessarily lead to the belief of such responsibility.

I then predicted that it would commence as it has with this fanatical portion of society, and that they would begin their operations on the ignorant, the weak, the young, and the thoughtless —and gradually extend upwards till they would become strong enough to obtain political control, when he and others holding the highest stations in society, would, however reluctant, be compelled to yield to their doctrines, or be driven into obscurity.

But four years have since elapsed, and all this is already in a course of regular fulfilment. Standing at the point of time at which we have now arrived, it will not be more difficult to trace the course of future events now than it was then. They who imagine that the spirit now abroad in the North, will die away of itself without a shock or convulsion, have formed a very inadequate conception of its real character; it will continue to rise and spread, unless prompt and efficient measures to stay its progress be adopted.

Already it has taken possession of the pulpit, of the schools, and, to a considerable extent, of the press; those great instruments by which the mind of the rising generation will be formed.

However sound the great body of the non-slaveholding States are at present, in the course of a few years they will be succeeded by those who will have been taught to hate the people and institutions of nearly one-half of this Union, with a hatred more deadly than one hostile nation ever entertained towards another.

It is easy to see the end. By the necessary course of events, if left to themselves, we must become, finally, two people. It is impossible under the deadly hatred which must spring up between the two great nations, if the present causes are permitted to operate unchecked, that we should continue under the same political system.

The conflicting elements would burst the Union asunder, powerful as are the links which hold it together. Abolition and the Union cannot coexist. As the friend of the Union I openly proclaim it—and the sooner it is known the better. The former may now be controlled, but in a short time it will be beyond the power of man to arrest the course of events.

We of the South will not, cannot, surrender our institutions. To maintain the existing relations between the two races, inhabiting that section of the Union, is indispensable to the peace and happiness of both.

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It cannot be subverted without drenching the country in blood, and extirpating one or the other of the races. Be it good or bad, [slavery] has grown up with our society and institutions, and is so interwoven with them that to destroy it would be to destroy us as a people.

But let me not be understood as admitting, even by implication, that the existing relations between the two races in the slaveholding States is an evil: I appeal to facts.

John C. Calhoun. February 06, be subverted without drenching the country in blood, and extirpating one or the other of the races. Be it good or bad, [slavery] has grown up with our society and institutions, and is so interwoven with them that to destroy it would be to destroy us as a people. It is odious to make comparison; but I. International human rights law is also implicated: one of the overarching principles of international human rights is that of equality before the law.5 The International Convention on the. James Henry Hammond (November 15, – November 13, ) was an attorney, politician and planter from South Carolina. He served as a United States Representative from to , the 60th Governor of South Carolina from to , and United States Senator from to

Never before has the black race of Central Africa, from the dawn of history to the present day, attained a condition so civilized and so improved, not only physically, but morally and intellectually.By John Forster Slavery, the Union, and the Catholic Church; a Lecture; by the Rev.

J. W. Cummings, D.

Slavery a Positive Good

D The Island Home 49 To timberdesignmag.comation from HoraceOde XI 59 The Cedar Glades. Chapter I. The Wind and the Weathercock The Song of the Ejected Tenant. James Henry Hammond (November 15, – November 13, ) was an attorney, politician and planter from South Carolina.

He served as a United States Representative from to , the 60th Governor of South Carolina from to , and United States Senator from to John N. Mars was a man of considerable ability; he was among the early antislavery agitators, and during the late war was commissioned as a chaplain in the army.

Rev. Thomas James was more an antislavery lecturer than preacher, and yet he could preach; but he was more ready to fight when he thought of the enormities of slavery.

Jan 30,  · James Henry Hammond proved himself to be every bit as shortsighted and in support of slavery as the introduction suggested. He argues at length about how the South is completely self-sufficient and that the North would suffer deeply both economically and socially should the South decide to withdraw their business from their markets.

A comparison of john calhoun and james hammonds argument on slavery

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or coach. and atoms Some an introduction to steroids and the use of steroids by athletes religions. International human rights law is also implicated: one of the overarching principles of international human rights is that of equality before the law.5 The International Convention on the.

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